San Mateo County
Chamber of Commerce Alliance
Included In
This Legislative Report:
1.
2008
Propositions
2.
Assembly
Bill X1 1: The Health Care Security and Cost Reduction Act
3.
AB xx
(Benoit): Small Business Family Scheduling Option of 2008
January 2008
Legislative Report #1
Prepared by:
Shaun Lumachi
shaun@chamberadvocacy.biz
562.843.0947
1. 2008 Statewide
Propositions
The following
ballot propositions have qualified for the February 5, 2008 Primary Election:
Proposition 91
Transportation Funding
Summary
á
Prohibits the use of
funds that are earmarked for transportation to be used for anything else other
than transportation related issues after July 2008.
á
Eliminates General Fund
borrowing of specified transportation funds, except for cash-flow purposes
(repayment required within 30 days of adoption of budget) which the current law
allows borrowing for three years where Governor declares transfer would cause
significant negative fiscal impact on governmental functions and Legislature
enacts authorizing statute.
á
Deletes the stateÕs
authority to suspend the transfer of gasoline sales tax revenue to
Transportation Investment Fund (TIF) and limits the stateÕs ability to borrow
these funds as well as Article XIX revenues for non-transportation uses.
á
Deletes the stateÕs
authority to suspend the transfer of gasoline sales tax revenue to TIF and
limits the stateÕs ability to borrow these funds as well as Article XIX
revenues for non-transportation uses.
á
The measure would make
state funding from these sources for highways and streets and roads, which
serve as the main uses of these monies, more stable and predictable from year
to year.
á
At the same time, the
measure may be interpreted to allow PTA funds to be loaned to the General Fund
with no express time limitation for repayment. This may make the availability
of these funds for public transit less stable.
á
Similarly, if the
measure is interpreted to allow the loaning of LTFs to the state General Fund
for short-term cash flow purposes, the availability of local transportation
funding could become less stable.
á
To the extent the
repayment of an outstanding TIF loan is stretched out by a year, to June 30,
2017, as allowed by this measure, there could be some additional interest costs
to the General Fund.
Background
State Transportation Funds
á
The state imposes
various taxes and fees on motor vehicle fuels and the operation of motor
vehicles to support transportation programs.
á
In 2007 - 2008, revenues
from these sources are projected to total about $9 billion.
Article
XIX Revenues—Fuel Taxes and Motor Vehicle Fees.
á
Excise tax of 18 cents
per gallon on gasoline and diesel fuel used in motor vehicles that are driven
on public streets and highways.
á
Also truck weight fees,
driver license fees, and vehicle registration fees.
á
Article XIX of the State
Constitution restricts the use of these revenues to specified transportation
purposes—primarily highways, streets and roads, and traffic enforcement.
á
The Constitution,
however, allows these revenues to be loaned to the General Fund if the amount
is repaid in full within the same fiscal year (essentially for short-term cash
flow purposes).
á
The repayment may be
delayed up to 30 days after adoption of a state budget for the following fiscal
year.
á
Under specified
conditions, these revenues may also be loaned to the General Fund for up to
three fiscal years.
Sales
Tax on Gasoline and Diesel.
á
The state imposes a 6.25
percent sales tax on gasoline and diesel fuel.
o
Public Transportation
Account (PTA).
¤
A portion of the revenue
from the gasoline and diesel sales tax is deposited into the PTA for public
transit and transportation planning purposes.
¤
The State Constitution
allows funds in the PTA to be loaned to the General Fund for short-term cash
flow purposes.
¤
The loan must be repaid
within 30 days after a state budget is adopted for the following fiscal
year.
¤
Under specified
conditions, PTA funds may also be loaned to the General Fund for longer
periods, up to three fiscal years.
o
Transportation
Investment Fund (TIF).
¤
A portion of the state
gasoline sales tax revenue not deposited into the PTA is transferred to TIF to
be used for highways, streets and roads, and transit systems.
¤
The State Constitution
allows the transfer of these monies to be suspended, thus leaving the money in
the General Fund, when the state faces fiscal difficulties.
¤
However, only two
suspensions may occur in ten consecutive years, and suspensions must be repaid
in full, with interest, within three years.
¤
The transfer was
suspended partially in 2003-2004 and fully in 2004-2005.
¤
The State Constitution
requires that these suspended amounts be repaid by June 30, 2016, at a
specified minimum rate of repayment each year.
¤
After a repayment is
made in 2007‑2008, $670 million will remain to be repaid from the
General Fund.
Local Transportation Funds
á
Local governments
provide substantial funding for transportation from local sales tax revenues.
á
Each county has a Òlocal
transportation fundÓ (LTF) with revenues generated from a statewide one-quarter
percent local sales tax collected in that county.
á
Under the State
Constitution, revenues in LTFs can be used only for specified transportation
purposes—primarily public transit.
á
In 2007‑08, sales tax revenues to LTFs are projected to total
about $1.4 billion.
á
In addition to the
statewide one-quarter percent local sales tax for transportation, counties have
the option of levying an additional local sales tax, upon approval by
two-thirds of the voters, for county transportation uses.
á
Currently, 19 counties
impose a local optional sales tax for transportation.
Arguments in Support
á
Restricts the State from
raiding state transportation funds.
á
Ends the stateÕs
authority to suspend the transfer of funds to the transportation fund.
á
Allows for state funding
of transportation related issues to be more predictable since funds that are
earmarked for the transportation fund can no longer be easily accessible for
the State to transfer.
Arguments Against
á
In times of budget
crisis, the measure may prevent the Governor and Legislature when trying to
balance the budget.
Proposition 92
Community Colleges
Summary
á
Changes current minimum
education funding requirement into two separate requirements: one for
K–12 schools and one for the California Community Colleges (CCC).
á
Lowers community college
education fees from $20 per unit to $15 per unit.
á
Significantly limits the
stateÕs authority to increase fee levels in future years.
á
Formally establishes the
community colleges in the State Constitution.
á
Increases the size of
the community collegesÕ state Board of Governors (BOG) and the its authority.
Background
Education Funding Level
á
Current law guarantees a
certain minimum amount of annual financial support for K–14 education.
á
Proposition 92 replaces
this single requirement with two: one for K–12 education and one for
community colleges (13-14).
á
These new minimum
funding requirements would take effect in 2007–08 and be based on
spending in 2006–07.
á
The new K–12
funding formula would use the same year-to-year growth factors as under current
law.
á
The same would be true
for the new CCC funding formula, with one important exception.
á
Specifically, in place
of K–12 attendance, a new growth factor based primarily on the young
adult population would be used for calculating the community college minimum
funding level.
á
This population growth
factor uses the greater of two population growth rates: (1) state residents
between 17 and 21 years of age or (2) state residents between 22 and 25 years
of age. The growth factor is further increased in any year that the stateÕs
unemployment rate exceeds 5 percent. (The state unemployment rate exceeded 5
percent in 13 of the past 15 years.)
á
However, the measure
limits the total community college population growth factor to no more than 5
percent in any year.
Student Fees
á
Unlike the K–12
funding guarantee, the community college funding requirement, under this
proposition, would not be adjusted to reflect how many students are actually
served. That is, there would be no direct relationship between required CCC
funding levels and actual student enrollment.
á
Proposition 92 would not
change the existing requirement that roughly 40 percent of General Fund
revenues be spent on K–14 education.
á
The new funding formulas
in Proposition 92 would not apply in years when K–14Õs share of General
Fund spending was less than this level.
á
In these years, the
existing single minimum funding requirement would apply and the state would
continue to have discretion over how to allocate funds between K–12
schools and community colleges.
á
The current CCC per-unit
fee is $20, which means that a full-time student taking 30 units per academic
year pays $600.
á
About one-quarter of all
CCC students do not pay any educational fees. This is because current law
waives the fees for resident students who demonstrate financial need. Most of
these students are low- to middle-income.
á
Proposition 92 reduces
student fees to $15 per unit beginning in fall 2008.
á
Proposition 92 also
significantly limits the LegislatureÕs authority to increase fees in subsequent
years. Any fee increase would require a two-thirds vote of both houses.
á
Proposition 92 limits
annual fee increases to the lower of: 10 percent and the percentage change in
per capita personal income in California (which typically averages about 4
percent). For example, at $15 per unit, a 4 percent growth in per capita
personal income (the lower of the two formulas) would allow for an increase of
60 cents. However, since the measure also requires the rounding down of any fee
increase to the nearest dollar, the fee level would remain at $15.
á
Proposition 92 would
require a simple majority vote in the Legislature in order to reduce fees.
Governance
á
The State Constitution
currently references the community colleges in various fi nancial contexts
(such as their eligibility for Proposition 98 funds), but it does not formally
establish or define the community colleges.
á
This has been done
instead through laws adopted by the Legislature.
á
Proposition 92 amends
the State Constitution to formally recognize the CCC system. For example, it
specifies in the Constitution that the community college system is a part of
the stateÕs public school system, and is made up of districts that are governed
by locally elected boards.
á
Proposition 92 makes a
number of changes affecting the CCC state wide Board of Governors.
á
For example, it amends
the Constitution to increase the number of members to 19 (all with voting
rights). In addition, the measure amends statute to require the Governor to
appoint additional BOG members from lists provided by specified community
college organizations.
á
Proposition 92 also
gives the BOG more control over its staff and its budget. For example, it
authorizes BOG (rather than the Governor) to appoint and set compensation
levels for executive officers. Moreover, the measure gives BOG Òfull powerÓ
over how to spend funds appropriated for its administrative expenses in the
annual budget.
Arguments in Support
á
Lowers fees to $15 a
unit.
á
Limits future fee
increases.
á
Provides stable funding
for community colleges for more classes and services.
á
Guarantees that the
community college system is independent from state politics.
á
Does not hurt K-12
funding or raise taxes
Arguments Against
á
CaliforniaÕs budget
deficit, projected to increase to over 8 billion dollars in 2008, will be
aggravated by Prop 92.
á
This could lead to
further threaten CaliforniaÕs ability to address the stateÕs other pressing
needs like funding health care, social services, public safety, and education
funding.
á
Proposition 92 creates
an expanded state board that can set salaries and other benefits for additional
board members and administrators with no oversight.
California Chamber
Position
á
Proposition 92 would
amend the California Constitution to guarantee community college funding levels
without adding any accountability structure.
á
The California Chamber
believes the proposed proposition would inflict an enormous amount of pressure
on CaliforniaÕs already stressed general fund and possibly require major cuts
from other programs funded from the same pool of money.
á
In addition, California
Chamber believes that this measure would result in prioritizing one higher
education systemÕs funding priorities over the needs of two other important
systems -- the University of California and California State University System.
Proposition 93
Limits on Legislator's Terms in Office
Summary
á
Reduces the total amount
of time a person may serve in the state legislature from 14 years to 12
years.
á
Allows an individual to
serve a total of 12 years either in the Assembly, the Senate, or a combination
of both.
á
Provides a transition
period to allow current members to serve a total of 12 consecutive years in the
house in which they are currently serving, regardless of any prior service in
another house.
Background
á
Currently, of the 80
Members of the State Assembly, 34 are in the first year of their first term in
office.
á
One fourth to nearly one
half of all legislators are brand-new on the job every two years.
á
Reforming term limits
will slow this rapid turnover and build expertise and leadership on
CaliforniaÕs most pressing issues.
á
All Legislative
candidates elected in November 2008 would serve under the new term limits
requirements.
á
Initiative reduces the
amount of time elected officials can stay in office, but a goal of the
proposition is to maintain stability and knowledge in the Legislature.
Arguments in Support
á
The measure is a
reasonable balance between the need to elect new people with fresh ideas, and
the need for experienced legislators with the knowledge and expertise to solve
the complex problems facing our state.
á
Only current and newly
elected Members will be subject to its provisions. Former legislators that have been Òtermed outÓ of either the
State Senate or State Assembly will not be allowed to run for that office
again.
á
The measure still places limits on
legislatorsÕ terms which maintains the spirit of the original term limits law
passed by voters in 1990.
Arguments Against
á
A self-serving measure
that allows for a Òtransition period,Ó which acts as a special loophole
designed to give extra time to incumbent politicians beyond the general benefit
of Proposition 93.
á
80% of legislators would
have their time in office greatly increased and Assembly terms would be doubled
from 6 years to 12 years and Senate terms increased from 8 years to 12 years.
á
CalChamber opposes
proposition 93 because the measure does not deal with a redistricting plan that
would allow voters to have a chance to enact complete reform.
Propositions 94, 95, 96, 97 - REFERENDUMS
Overturn Amendment to Indian Gaming Compact
Note: A position of
support means the Chamber supports the compacts becoming law.
Governor Schwarzenegger
negotiated new Indian gaming agreements (The Compacts) with four tribes; Agua
Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians, Morongo Band of Mission Indians, Pechanga
Band of Luiseno Indians, and Sycuan Band of the Kumeyaay Nation have casino
facilities on remote reservation lands in Riverside and San Diego
counties. The four propositions
represent each of the negotiated new Indian gaming compacts.
Summary
á Seeks to overturn law passed by the
legislature in 2007 that expands gaming machines at the Agua Caliente Band of
Cahuilla Indians, Morongo Band of Mission Indians, Pechanga Band of Luiseno
Indians, and Sycuan Band of the Kumeyaay Nation Casinos.
á Exempts certain projects from the
California Environmental Quality Act
á Requires that revenue paid by tribe be
deposited in the General Fund.
Background
á
Under the current Indian gaming compact agreement, the
tribe will pay higher percentages of their net gaming revenues (up to 25%) into
the state General Fund.
á
The agreement will provide the state with more than
$200 million the first year (with revenues increasing significantly in future
years) and an estimated $9 billion over the next two decades
á
The agreement benefits this tribe by allowing them to
have additional slot machines at casinos on their existing tribal lands.
á
This tribe will be allowed to coordinate with local
police and fire agencies, to compensate local governments for any local
services that are needed, and to resolve disputes with surrounding communities
through binding arbitration.
á
The agreement preserves the right of Indian casino
employees to be represented by unions chosen through secret ballots.
Arguments in Support
á
The tribes will pay a much higher percentage of their
gaming revenues to the state in return for having additional slot
machines.
á
Our state will get more than $9 billion over the next
two decades without raising our taxes – providing vitally needed new
funding for our schools, public safety and other services.
á
The agreements will also protect and create thousands
of local jobs at the four tribes' casinos and provide tens of millions of
dollars to help non-gaming tribes throughout California.
á
Special interests oppose new gaming compacts and are
being opposed by a Las Vegas casino owner and two wealthy gaming tribes that
are allowed to have unlimited slot machines.
Arguments Against
á
Previous compacts encouraged modest casino expansions
with clear guidelines to fairly share revenues with taxpayers.
á
Current compacts encourage rapid casino growth and fail
to include clear and fair revenue sharing formulas to benefit taxpayers.
á
California becomes home to some of the largest casinos
in the world, with more than twice as many slot machines as the big Vegas
casinos.
á
Compact authorize 17,000 new slot machines – more
than the combined number of slots at 12 Vegas casinos, including the Bellagio,
MGM Grand, Mirage and Mandalay Bay.
á
Other tribes oppose the compacts because they give just
4 of CaliforniaÕs 108 tribes control over one-third of the stateÕs Indian
gaming pie.
á
Exemptions to environmental protection laws. The 55- day comment period for
stakeholders is waved, which in turn, eliminates the opportunity for community
members to voice environmental concerns about the proposed expansions.
á
Labor unions are opposed because deals lack the most
basic protections for workers. For instance, a study conducted by a UC
Riverside Professor of Economics found that Agua CalienteÕs health coverage was
so expensive that 56% of the dependent children of casino workers were forced
onto taxpayer-funded healthcare programs.
á
The compacts revenue claims are wildly
exaggerated. Legislative AnalystÕs
Office says their figures are unrealistic.
á
The compacts require the four tribes to pay a percent
of their Ònet winÓ gambling revenues, which the tribes themselves make that
calculation.
á
The compacts are opposed by the California Federation
of Teachers.
2. Assembly Bill X1 1: The Health Care Security and Cost
Reduction Act
As of January
3, 2008
Background
á
AB 1x would create a
vast and expensive new health care program funded partially by a costly payroll
tax on California employers and increased tobacco taxes.
á
AB 1x would also require
voters to go to the polls in November to approve the funding portion of the
proposed healthcare plan.
á
The legislative office
has not released its official estimates of the cost to implement the proposed
healthcare plan.
á
The Senate President,
Don Perata, is waiting for these estimates before the Senate will act on AB 1x.
The current healthcare reform proposal, Assembly Bill
X1 1, the Health Care Security and Cost Reduction Act:
á
Requires that all
Californians take responsibility for their health coverage (individual
mandate).
á
Guarantees that no
Californian will be turned away from buying insurance based on their age or
medical history
á
Spreads responsibility
across individuals, government, hospitals and employers (shared
responsibility).
á
Makes coverage more
affordable for individuals and families through tax credits and subsidies.
á
Helps keep hospitals and
emergency rooms open by increasing Medi-Cal reimbursement rates.
á
Allows individuals to
choose their health coverage and keep their current insurance.
How California Will Pay For Health Care Reform
á
California voters will
be asked to approve how the AB X1 1 is financed on the November 2008 ballot.
á
Federal Funding $4.6
billion
á
Individuals* $2.1
billion
á
4 Percent Hospital Fee
$2.3 billion
á
Employer Contribution
$2.6 billion
á
Tobacco Revenues $1.5
billion
á
County And Other Funds
$1.6 billion
* The
$2.1 billion from individuals does not represent any new dollars from
individuals paying for their insurance
now.
Question and
Answer Summary
Source:
Sacramento Bee
Q: Would I be
required to have health insurance?
A: Yes, with
some exemptions for low-income residents.
Q: Is there a
penalty if I'm not covered?
A: Lawmakers
say they have yet to determine how to deal with those who don't purchase
insurance but say they expect to institute some sort of tax penalty.
Q: Where's the money
for the plan going to come from?
A: Federal
funding, $4.6 billion; individuals, $2.1 billion; 4 percent hospital fee, $2.3
billion; employer contribution, $2.6 billion; tobacco tax, $1.5 billion; county
and other funds, $1.6 billion.
Q: How much would
employers be required to pay?
A: The minimum
fee is based on a sliding scale of 1 percent to 6.5 percent, depending on the
employer's annual payroll. The fee is 1 percent for a payroll up to $250,000; 4
percent for a payroll up to $1 million; 6 percent for a payroll to $15 million;
and 6.5 percent for a payroll of more than $15 million.
Q: How much would
workers be required to contribute to the cost of their coverage?
A: The
legislation limits how much a family would have to pay to no more than 6.5 percent
of income on premium and out-of-pocket costs. Low- income workers who are legal
citizens would be eligible for government subsidies.
Employees who
make below 150 percent of the federal poverty level ($30,975 for a family of
four or $15,315 for a single person) would not have to contribute.
Single adults
and parents up to 250 percent of the federal poverty level ($43,000 for a
family of three) would pay no more than 5 percent of their income.
The plan would
cover all children, regardless of immigration status, up to 300 percent of the
poverty level ($51,500 for a family of three).
A family of
four earning $82,000 a year or more would not qualify for any subsidies.
The state
would consider requests for an exemption to the mandate that everyone has insurance
on a case-by-case basis. To be eligible, a person or family would have to prove
they are experiencing financial hardship and earn up to 250 percent of the
poverty level.
Workers whose
employer does not offer coverage and earn 250 percent to 400 percent of the FPL
($43,000-$69,000 for a family of three) would receive a tax credit if their
share of cost exceeded 5.5 percent of family income.
Q: Do employees
and employers get any other tax breaks?
A: Yes. The
legislation would require employers to let employees pay their health insurance
premiums on a pre-tax basis. This would allow employees and employers to save
about $2 billion in state and federal income taxes and federal payroll taxes.
Q: How many
people would the plan cover?
A: The
proposed law would provide coverage to about 3.7 million of the 5.1 permanently
uninsured people in the state. Up to 6.7 million people go without health
insurance in a given year, according to the U.S. census.
Q: Are there any
important numbers the Schwarzenegger-Nœ–ez plan does not mention?
A: How about
$100 million? That's how much political experts say foes are capable of
spending to defeat the ballot measure to finance the plan.
Arguments in
Opposition to AB X1 1
State Budget is Already Structurally
Out of Balance
AB 1x is an adventure in
Òsky-is-the-limitÓ spending that is ill-advised at a time when the state budget
continues to face a large structural deficit. This bill is likely to cost far
more than anticipated, especially if it follows the path toward continued
expansion that other benefits programs have followed. The language in AB1x has
not been fully vetted and faces significant legal hurdles. In addition, the
plan will compound the structural deficit the moment it is effective.
Tax Increases Hurt Economic Growth and
Investment
Significant cost shifting and hidden costs
associated with the implementation of AB 1x are clearly problems for employers
and taxpayers. It also is the wrong time to consider such an uncharted
adventure that will exacerbate costs on California employers who already
operate in an unfriendly business climate. New exactions on employers to
finance this untested, experimental program will further cripple the economy.
The public is also very opposed to tax hikes, according to a Public Policy
Institute of California poll released December 12. Moreover, voters have
rejected five of the last five tax increase proposals on the state ballot, as
follows:
á &